Nothing quite like the nomination by a conservative president of not one but two liberals to the Supreme Court had ever happened before, and to this magnitude, has ever happened since. It’s a fantastic story that merits story like treatment, so here goes.
Ladies and Gentlemen let me turn you on to a mystery of magnificent proportions. It’s the mystery of one of the stories of how the United States became a more tolerant nation than it had ever been and the bizarre way that particular story unfolded.
You see, at one time the United States was a country where blacks and whites and Latinos were forced to attend separate schools and use separate facilities. It was a country where even the slightest convenience or life saving need was parceled out on the basis of race. Water fountains were segregated, ambulances were segregated. Why you could not be guaranteed a jury of your peers if your peers were black and you were on trial. In Texas they used to categorize Latino’s as legally white, and even though the law said they were white, the Anglos weren’t about to translate that into fair and equal treatment so when a Latino was on trial for his life, they’d give him a jury of his peers alright, a jury of non- Latino white people. These were amazing times.
The black people and the Latino people did not like this one bit. And they protested, and they died, and they even sued for justice. Some brave lawyers like Thurgood Marshall and Robert Carter and Spotswood Robinson and Gus Garcia and Carlos Cadena took cases to the highest court in the land and for a while it seemed like there would be some small amount of change from the court but people were beginning to lose patience.
It was also a time when a two bit senator from Wisconsin could intimidate the socks off people simply by subpoenaing them to come to Washington and rat on their friends, or to tell the Congress about their membership 20 years earlier in a club called the Communist Party. It was also a time when a cop could intimidate anyone he wanted to with physical violence or trickery and coerce a confession out of someone and not provide them a lawyer or any other rights guaranteed by the constitution.
Well most of that changed but first let me tell you about this guy named Eisenhower. Now Eisenhower was in the army and even though he never saw combat, he kept getting promoted through the ranks until one day he was promoted over guys named Patton and Marshall and asked to run the Allied invasion of Europe and chase after this Hitler fellow. He did and won that war and he was immensely popular, so much so that they asked him to become President of Columbia University. He never did say much about race issues in those days and rumor had it that he enjoyed a good Negro joke every now and then.
Well, this guy Truman was president after the war and many folks did not think that he was doing a terribly good job and since Eisenhower was a Republican and Truman was a Democrat, old Ike was asked to run for president. Ike won and set upon doing what conservative Republican presidents do, they do conservative things.
Now before I get back to the black and Latino people, let me tell you about this guy named Earl Warren. He too was a Republican but nobody could really tell if he was a conservative or not. At one moment he seemed pretty liberal pushing for anti job discrimination in his native California where he was governor. But then on the other hand, when he was the California attorney general he went out of his way to see that Japanese Americans were shipped away from their homes in California and forced to live in shacks in Arizona during World War II because their ancestors were from Japan, against who the US was at war. Funny thing though, the US was also at war with Germany and Italy, but he never seemed that concerned about Italian or German Americans living in California. This guy Warren kept running for president even though he kept losing. In fact, he even lost as a candidate for Vice President. Finally he decided to run one last time and he decided that if he could not get the Republican nomination, he would at least have some say as to who would. So when it became apparent that he would not be the next nominee of his party he set about helping the eventual nominee, that Eisenhower guy get the nomination.
Now rumor has it that old Ike cut a deal with Warren and promised him the first open spot on the Supreme Court in exchange for the help at the convention. All of their friends died denying it decades later, but we do know that Ike did promise Earl a spot on the court at some point, but their friends say that he did so after he won the election.
Fast forward a few months. The Black people finally got a case before the Supreme Court that would integrate the schools. But the Court just wasn’t ready to go there yet so they told the lawyers to come back next year and reargue some points. Next thing you know the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, old Fred Vinson, just up and died. And now there was an opening on the Court.
Uh oh, President Ike did not anticipate that the first vacancy would be that of Chief Justice or that his promise to Earl would apply to that position. So he sent his buddy and Attorney General to Cali a guy named Herbert Brownell, to find out what Earl thought. Well Earl said “ A deals a deal!” and with Congress out of session Ike made good on his promise and appointed Earl to become Chief Justice of the Supreme Court as a recess appointment.
He sure was in a rush to get him on the Court. Many people wonder why. Well one reason is that the other members of the Court were afraid of what was coming and did not want to face what was coming alone, without a Chief Justice. You see they were going to hear that rehearing about the black kids and the schools. They were also planning on hearing a case about a Mexican American being tried for murder with a jury of real white people and not a single Latino among them. And the court wanted a Chief Justice. So Ike appointed Earl fully aware that these cases were coming up.
Ike had said publicly that he did not like the idea of the feds getting involved in state school systems. But he did not seem to mind the feds getting involved in their own schools—like schools on military bases—he ordered them integrated. He also did not have problem with anything else run by the feds being integrated—he ordered integration of all federal facilities. But when it came to the schools and life in general in the South, he wondered why could we just go with the old cases like Plessy v. Ferguson that said that separate but equal was constitutional. So Ike was not looking to pick a fight with the South.
Earl, on the other hand, was not letting on what he felt about the subject. A lot of folks thought that he was fair as a governor to minorities, that is all minorities except for Japanese Americans, but he was not known for being a big time liberal. Ike did not think so either, he wrote his brother that he like Earl because he understood management since he had been a governor, and that was what he wanted in a Chief. He also said that he thought Earl was a “liberal conservative”, whatever that means. So he was happy to appoint Earl though Earl had given no indication what he thought about the cases pending before the Court when he was appointed.
Ike was not interested in any activist judge made law in his first term and he certainly did not want to be the president to preside over a second civil war—white folks in the South felt pretty strongly about their segregation. So Ike invited Earl, the attorney for the states that did not want to integrate their schools, and some other folks to his house (the White House) for drinks and cigars—a stag party as they called them in those days because only men were invited. He took Earl aside and said that the southerners “are not bad people. All they are concerned about is to see that their sweet little girls are not required to sit in school alongside some big overgrown Negroes.” Right there in the White House. Earl was shocked—so shocked that he wrote about it in his autobiography years later.
But on the other hand Ike’s attorney general wrote a friend of the court brief in support of the black’s quest to integrate those schools, a brief that Ike reviewed and approved.
What kind of guy was Ike? Did he know what kind of guy Earl was? Did he care?
What kind of guy was Earl, Chief Justice Warren? Well, he came on to the Court and managed to get the whole court, even that nerdy little Felix Frankfurter, to stand behind him in issuing an opinion integrating the schools. He even got the whole court, even that nerdy little Felix Frankfurter to stand behind him in issuing an opinion saying that Texas needed to make sure that when a Mexican American was on trial he better have a realistic opportunity to have a jury of his peers, and by that the court meant Latinos.
Was Ike happy? After all he approved the brief submitted by the United States in support of the black school kids and after all he called for integration of federal schools earlier. But there was something about that southern culture that he was not too keen on upsetting. He had friends in the South including former Supreme Court justice and then South Carolina governor James Byrne who kept trying to get Ike to intervene and stop this foolishness on the court’s part. But instead he declined to do so, even though everyone, including his attorney general Brownell knew that Ike did not like the outcome of the decision. Earl went to his grave bitter that Ike did not do the presidential thing and declare support for the decision in the first months of the decision. Instead old Ike groused about saying only that he would enforce the law—that’s it, no “this is good for America” or “the Court did what the Constitution required”. No sir, none of that. Just “I’ll enforce the law”. And then when given the chance twice he declined to do just that. Twice southern governors, including Governor Allen Shivers right here in Texas, started talking like the Civil War had never been fought and said that they had the right to disregard the opinion because they felt the opinion was unconstitutional.
What’s the deal with the President? He did not try to stop the opinion, though the Chief Justice believed that he tried to influence the opinion with the big overgrown Negro remark, but he even let his AG file a brief in favor of integration. Then when the opinion comes out in favor of integration, he’s mad. Go figure!
Was this just a mistake of improper vetting and background research before he appointed Earl, or did Earl intentionally deceive the President into appointing him by playing mild mannered conservative before the court? But what is it that Einstein said? Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again expecting a different result? I’m not saying, but he did it again. A few years later he walked into the mouth of the lion this time with his eyes open.
Back in those days when you nominated someone to the court because they were of a particular ethnic group it was called politics and not the dreaded affirmative action. So if a seat had been traditionally held for a couple of generations by a Jewish justice, you fill that spot with a Jewish candidate when it came open. If you felt that your chances of re-election would be enhanced by appointing an Irish Catholic to the Court, you went out and found an Irish Catholic to serve. No big deal. Its politics.
Well the Irish Catholic that Ike picked was William Brennan. And he was a Democrat, known for being slightly liberal. Ike nominated Bill and got re-elected. And when a southern governor, Orval Faubus of Arkansas pushed Ike too far by claiming that Arkansas had the right to disregard the Supreme Court on the issue of school integration, Ike finally got mad and sent the troops in. Meanwhile, quietly, Bill wrote an opinion telling Faubus and anyone else in the South who agreed with Faubus to go to hell. In so many words Bill said “We’re the Supreme Court and we call the shots on what’s constitutional or not, Not You Faubus.”
Meanwhile, there’s this Cold War between the US and the Soviet Union. Everyone is afraid that the Soviets are trying to overthrow the US government from inside using Americans who were secretly members of the Communist Party. At the urging of that Wisconsin senator Joe McCarthy the Congress passed laws making it legal for the government to fire anyone that might be a threat, whether they were or not. States passed similar laws. Even people who were suspected of being homosexuals, a taboo in those days, could be fired because it was thought they could be blackmailed into passing on state secrets or influencing the media, or the schools, or the dog pounds of the country.
Working together on strategy, Bill and Earl were able to get enough votes among the Brethren to overturn most of those laws and in doing so practically shut down the hysteria that permeated most of the 1950s. At the same time the two engineered an overhaul of the criminal justice system by interpreting the Constitution to provide more rights for criminal defendants than they ever had before.
Was all of this to the consternation of President Ike? Or was his reputation of being detached a true description of his style, or was he just crazy—maybe like a fox? There really isn’t much consensus among historians on this at all. What we do know is that Ike once is reported to have said that appointing Earl and Bill “was the biggest damn fool mistake” of his presidency. Was he talking about school integration, criminal justice, the Communist cases, or all of it? What we know is that he told Earl several years after his presidency that he did not like those damn decisions. Which ones Earl asked him. “Those damn communist cases” Earl tried to explain the responsibilities of being on the Court, but Ike would have none of that. So Earl finally asked him what he would have done about the communists. Ike said “I would kill the SOBs.”
Well, at least he did not have as much of a problem with the integration cases.
In a manner of speaking, President Dwight Eisenhower is responsible, whether he would have wanted the credit or not, for the biggest social changes in American history outside of the abolition of slavery. He was aware of the issues that the Court was facing and he appointed Earl Warren and William Brennan anyway. Maybe it was stubbornness, or just naiveté, though it's hard to believe that the leader of the largest military operation in human history would be naïve. Or maybe it was an approach to the Supreme Court and the appointments process on Ike’s part that called for the appointment of whatever candidate that the vacant seat called for and to let the political and social philosophy chips fall as they may. And though there were other actors in this drama, Thurgood Marshall, Martin Luther King, Gus Garcia, countless numbers of citizens who demanded civil liberties, it’s fair to say that the Supreme Court decisions of that era lead the way and opened the door to the cultural changes of the 1960s. Without whatever it was that happened in those nominating processes that gave us Chief Justice Earl Warren and Associate Justice William Brennan, none of what eventually happened in the 1960s would have happened. Crazy, naïve, or not, you gotta give old Ike credit.
Friday, September 16, 2011
Monday, September 12, 2011
Reflections on 9/11 By Craig Jackson Thurgood Marshall School of Law
Reflections on 9/11
I had an 8 am class that morning and drove to campus from my gym. I got there early enough to search for a parking spot. TSU was at the beginning of a building boom and, along with the work being done on buildings damaged by Tropical Storm Allison’s flooding the previous June, parking spaces not damaged by heavy equipment, especially next to the new business building where the law school was conducting classes, were hard to find. The Law Building had been shut down due to the Allison flood damage, so most of the faculty were working at home and coming in for classes. I had planned to conduct the only class I had that day and go home to the office that I had put together in my attic to prepare for the next day’s classes.
Driving up I recall a report on the news radio station that I listened to back then, that a plane had hit one of the twin towers at the World Trade Center. I did not make much of it as I then recalled a small private jet hitting another building in New York a few weeks or months earlier, and I filed it away as an unfortunate happening 1500 miles away from my life. I held class, Contracts, and after answering a few questions of students leaving the room, went to the makeshift office where the administrative assistants were stationed to pick up my mail. The assistants were seated in front of a small television staring intently and I asked what was up. My assistant told me what I thought I already knew, that a plane had hit one of the towers. I went to get a cup of coffee and it was not until someone remarked that I was pretty nonchalant about it all did the intensity of the viewing party a few feet away register with me.
The exact chronology of the next few minutes is cloudy to me now, but I believe at that moment the second plane hit. When that happened, I thought; “Al Qaeda”. The term had already become a familiar one among foreign policy junkies like myself and was a fairly familiar one among more general news consumers as well. To others Arab terrorism probably was at the forefront of their minds, as it was after the Oklahoma City bombing six years earlier.
About that time my assistant informed me that an FBI agent wanted to talk to me. I thought this was an odd time to be summoned to the hall (we did not have offices at the time) to talk to the FBI, so I went with an enormous amount of curiosity. The agent greeted me and we exchanged what pleasantries that were possible under the circumstances before he asked me if I recalled an Arab American and Moslem student from the previous semester who had not made it back to law school due to grades. Immediately my radar went up and I abruptly indicated that I was ending our meeting then and there because, as I recall though this is probably a paraphrase of what I said “I will not take part in any roundup of Arabs and Moslems because of this, man you guys act fast.” The agent, who was really a former agent doing background checks under contract to the Bureau, hurriedly said, “No, no, no Professor Jackson. [the former student] has applied for a position with the Bureau and we are simply conducting a background check before bringing him on as an agent. I understand that this is bad timing but it has nothing to do with what happened in New York this morning.”
I was relieved though still shaken as was he, and we continued the interview which only lasted about five or ten minutes. I was relieved in large part by the fact that I recalled that the student, a former Chicago cop and football player, who had more in common personality wise to Joe Frat Boy than the stereotype of Arabs and Moslems that Americans so gleefully entertained, had wanted to get back into law enforcement and he said that if he did not make it back to law school, he would probably apply the FBI. He asked if he could use me as a reference and I had agreed the previous spring. Everyone was on edge that morning.
I am trying to recall as I write this if the first tower fell before I left the office to go home or afterward. I cannot believe that I went home during this, knowing myself I would not have wanted to watch this at home alone and I am sure that I hung around the school for a few more hours. My lack of recall of the next few hours stands in stark contrast to the degree of detail that I recall the events when the attacks were occurring. I learned of the Pentagon and Pennsylvania crashes in the administrative assistants’ offices, and tried to call friends in New York at that time. Then the detail following the FBI agent’s meeting become cloudy. A few discussions of US foreign policy with colleagues—they were actually harangues from both sides—as we all had strong views about how all of this happened. Though I have seen footage of the towers falling, I cannot recall if I saw that live, or later on tape. I do remember being sick to my stomach, while I watched television all day, and all night long. I did not sleep fully that evening.
I learned a few days later that a cousin of mine had an interview in one of the towers for a financial position there. He must have called in the previous day to postpone his meeting because everything happened too early to delay the meeting that morning. The fact that he intended to vote in the New York primary may have saved his life. Though several family members are in New York, our family was spared the immediate impact of the tragedy.
My church for some reason attracts New Yorkers living in Houston, and one of the church staff members from Manhattan had a brother who died in the Towers and a sister, a medical doctor who ran a clinic in the Towers who remained in a coma for several months after the attacks. We prayed regularly for him and his family at services, prayer meetings, and privately at home. His sister recovered from the coma and after months of rehab, I am told that she went back to practice and runs a clinic somewhere in downtown Manhattan.
Several friends of mine worked in the financial sector of New York. As a young attorney operating out of Washington in the 1980s, most of my cases were heard in New York. It became ritual that after an afternoon hearing, I would meet a few of my grad school buddies either at the South Street Seaport, McSorleys, or Windows of the World, a particular favorite since one of my friends worked at the one of the Towers back in the 80’s and Windows was on the top floor. In fact, the federal court where I did most of my litigation, the Court of International Trade, held its annual conference at Windows. We’d buy drinks and pretend to point to a friends’ house in New Jersey, and since none of us were driving, we’d buy more drinks. None of us could afford to eat at Windows except for happy hour food, on which we ate our fill before hitting the downtown street in search of something more sustaining.
By 2001 one friend had moved to the UK, and another had gone on to another bank, though I was not sure where that bank was located. Two other friends had moved to New York and lived a five minute walk from the Towers in a loft. I was able to contact the wife of the friend who had moved to another bank. The couple lived in New Jersey where telephone service was still up, at least that afternoon. She said that her husband had moved to a bank in midtown and she believed he was ok, though the communications to Manhattan had been out for hours. She thanked me for my concern and promised to get in touch with me when things normalized. My other friend who lived near and worked in one of the smaller towers was unavailable for days as was her husband, a law professor in New Jersey. Frantic calls were made from my phone for days almost two or three times a day hoping for some information but I was not able to make contact with Manhattan. Mutual friends in Washington and San Antonio were contacted for information to no avail. Finally several days later I received word that both were fine as was their son, at least as fine as possible as their home was as severely damaged as one would expect five minutes from Ground Zero. My friend who worked at one of the towers was in Washington on a case that day, and her husband was walking their kid to a day care in the other direction.
Holding class the remainder of the week was a chore. Consideration and promissory estoppel just did not seem so damn important. A malaise constructed from fear, anger and anxiousness had befallen the nation—the whole nation. People have described this moment in our history as one when Americans, because we all felt the same way, came together. Perhaps, but not for all.
My Dean and I had heard a few rumors of Arab, Pakistani, and Iranian students, whether or not Moslem, had been hassled on occasion in the city (fortunately we had not heard of any incidents at the school).
The Dean and I decided to invite the students to lunch to show support and to assure them that they could talk to us about any concerns that they might have. As it turned out, all but perhaps two or three, were American born and like my law enforcement former student, were drawn straight out of a Norman Rockwell sketch pad—assuming a sketch pad updated for the 21st century would have existed. The U.S. born were aware but not particularly concerned, though they appreciated the gesture and the free lunch. The foreign born students did have stories—concerns over leases, hassles at clubs, “interesting” police stops. There was a sense of relief that I noticed from them to know that we would be there if they needed help.
One year ago Sunday I spent some time at Ground Zero. It is sacred ground worthy of any expression of peace and spirituality which can include belief in a higher being, or non-belief. Certainly among those expressions of peace and spirituality we can include a worship and meditation space for the adherents of one of the world’s largest faiths—Islam. Anything less would dishonor the memory of 9/11.
Craig Jackson
I had an 8 am class that morning and drove to campus from my gym. I got there early enough to search for a parking spot. TSU was at the beginning of a building boom and, along with the work being done on buildings damaged by Tropical Storm Allison’s flooding the previous June, parking spaces not damaged by heavy equipment, especially next to the new business building where the law school was conducting classes, were hard to find. The Law Building had been shut down due to the Allison flood damage, so most of the faculty were working at home and coming in for classes. I had planned to conduct the only class I had that day and go home to the office that I had put together in my attic to prepare for the next day’s classes.
Driving up I recall a report on the news radio station that I listened to back then, that a plane had hit one of the twin towers at the World Trade Center. I did not make much of it as I then recalled a small private jet hitting another building in New York a few weeks or months earlier, and I filed it away as an unfortunate happening 1500 miles away from my life. I held class, Contracts, and after answering a few questions of students leaving the room, went to the makeshift office where the administrative assistants were stationed to pick up my mail. The assistants were seated in front of a small television staring intently and I asked what was up. My assistant told me what I thought I already knew, that a plane had hit one of the towers. I went to get a cup of coffee and it was not until someone remarked that I was pretty nonchalant about it all did the intensity of the viewing party a few feet away register with me.
The exact chronology of the next few minutes is cloudy to me now, but I believe at that moment the second plane hit. When that happened, I thought; “Al Qaeda”. The term had already become a familiar one among foreign policy junkies like myself and was a fairly familiar one among more general news consumers as well. To others Arab terrorism probably was at the forefront of their minds, as it was after the Oklahoma City bombing six years earlier.
About that time my assistant informed me that an FBI agent wanted to talk to me. I thought this was an odd time to be summoned to the hall (we did not have offices at the time) to talk to the FBI, so I went with an enormous amount of curiosity. The agent greeted me and we exchanged what pleasantries that were possible under the circumstances before he asked me if I recalled an Arab American and Moslem student from the previous semester who had not made it back to law school due to grades. Immediately my radar went up and I abruptly indicated that I was ending our meeting then and there because, as I recall though this is probably a paraphrase of what I said “I will not take part in any roundup of Arabs and Moslems because of this, man you guys act fast.” The agent, who was really a former agent doing background checks under contract to the Bureau, hurriedly said, “No, no, no Professor Jackson. [the former student] has applied for a position with the Bureau and we are simply conducting a background check before bringing him on as an agent. I understand that this is bad timing but it has nothing to do with what happened in New York this morning.”
I was relieved though still shaken as was he, and we continued the interview which only lasted about five or ten minutes. I was relieved in large part by the fact that I recalled that the student, a former Chicago cop and football player, who had more in common personality wise to Joe Frat Boy than the stereotype of Arabs and Moslems that Americans so gleefully entertained, had wanted to get back into law enforcement and he said that if he did not make it back to law school, he would probably apply the FBI. He asked if he could use me as a reference and I had agreed the previous spring. Everyone was on edge that morning.
I am trying to recall as I write this if the first tower fell before I left the office to go home or afterward. I cannot believe that I went home during this, knowing myself I would not have wanted to watch this at home alone and I am sure that I hung around the school for a few more hours. My lack of recall of the next few hours stands in stark contrast to the degree of detail that I recall the events when the attacks were occurring. I learned of the Pentagon and Pennsylvania crashes in the administrative assistants’ offices, and tried to call friends in New York at that time. Then the detail following the FBI agent’s meeting become cloudy. A few discussions of US foreign policy with colleagues—they were actually harangues from both sides—as we all had strong views about how all of this happened. Though I have seen footage of the towers falling, I cannot recall if I saw that live, or later on tape. I do remember being sick to my stomach, while I watched television all day, and all night long. I did not sleep fully that evening.
I learned a few days later that a cousin of mine had an interview in one of the towers for a financial position there. He must have called in the previous day to postpone his meeting because everything happened too early to delay the meeting that morning. The fact that he intended to vote in the New York primary may have saved his life. Though several family members are in New York, our family was spared the immediate impact of the tragedy.
My church for some reason attracts New Yorkers living in Houston, and one of the church staff members from Manhattan had a brother who died in the Towers and a sister, a medical doctor who ran a clinic in the Towers who remained in a coma for several months after the attacks. We prayed regularly for him and his family at services, prayer meetings, and privately at home. His sister recovered from the coma and after months of rehab, I am told that she went back to practice and runs a clinic somewhere in downtown Manhattan.
Several friends of mine worked in the financial sector of New York. As a young attorney operating out of Washington in the 1980s, most of my cases were heard in New York. It became ritual that after an afternoon hearing, I would meet a few of my grad school buddies either at the South Street Seaport, McSorleys, or Windows of the World, a particular favorite since one of my friends worked at the one of the Towers back in the 80’s and Windows was on the top floor. In fact, the federal court where I did most of my litigation, the Court of International Trade, held its annual conference at Windows. We’d buy drinks and pretend to point to a friends’ house in New Jersey, and since none of us were driving, we’d buy more drinks. None of us could afford to eat at Windows except for happy hour food, on which we ate our fill before hitting the downtown street in search of something more sustaining.
By 2001 one friend had moved to the UK, and another had gone on to another bank, though I was not sure where that bank was located. Two other friends had moved to New York and lived a five minute walk from the Towers in a loft. I was able to contact the wife of the friend who had moved to another bank. The couple lived in New Jersey where telephone service was still up, at least that afternoon. She said that her husband had moved to a bank in midtown and she believed he was ok, though the communications to Manhattan had been out for hours. She thanked me for my concern and promised to get in touch with me when things normalized. My other friend who lived near and worked in one of the smaller towers was unavailable for days as was her husband, a law professor in New Jersey. Frantic calls were made from my phone for days almost two or three times a day hoping for some information but I was not able to make contact with Manhattan. Mutual friends in Washington and San Antonio were contacted for information to no avail. Finally several days later I received word that both were fine as was their son, at least as fine as possible as their home was as severely damaged as one would expect five minutes from Ground Zero. My friend who worked at one of the towers was in Washington on a case that day, and her husband was walking their kid to a day care in the other direction.
Holding class the remainder of the week was a chore. Consideration and promissory estoppel just did not seem so damn important. A malaise constructed from fear, anger and anxiousness had befallen the nation—the whole nation. People have described this moment in our history as one when Americans, because we all felt the same way, came together. Perhaps, but not for all.
My Dean and I had heard a few rumors of Arab, Pakistani, and Iranian students, whether or not Moslem, had been hassled on occasion in the city (fortunately we had not heard of any incidents at the school).
The Dean and I decided to invite the students to lunch to show support and to assure them that they could talk to us about any concerns that they might have. As it turned out, all but perhaps two or three, were American born and like my law enforcement former student, were drawn straight out of a Norman Rockwell sketch pad—assuming a sketch pad updated for the 21st century would have existed. The U.S. born were aware but not particularly concerned, though they appreciated the gesture and the free lunch. The foreign born students did have stories—concerns over leases, hassles at clubs, “interesting” police stops. There was a sense of relief that I noticed from them to know that we would be there if they needed help.
One year ago Sunday I spent some time at Ground Zero. It is sacred ground worthy of any expression of peace and spirituality which can include belief in a higher being, or non-belief. Certainly among those expressions of peace and spirituality we can include a worship and meditation space for the adherents of one of the world’s largest faiths—Islam. Anything less would dishonor the memory of 9/11.
Craig Jackson
Saturday, January 23, 2010
God, what were you thinking? Haiti, Faith, and Development By Craig Jackson Thurgood Marshall School of Law
The title alone will send some of the faithful scurrying to less blasphemous blogs. But theirs is not my faith, which is one that allows me to acknowledge my instant reaction when I awoke Wednesday to hear the awful news on the morning programs, and one which worships a God that can handle my reaction which comes from the emotions that he gave me. A tough and resilient God, if you will. We have yet to see a massive hurricane hit Beverly Hills, or an earthquake in Westchester County New York, with similar destructive impact as the one in the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere. California will suffer the “Big One” we are told, no doubt that the poor will take the brunt of the hurt, though the sustainability of the region is seldom questioned. But what we get instead are tsunamis in South Asia and earthquakes in Haiti that cause levels of disruption far in excess of what developed countries typically experience. Even New Orleans, as bad as it was with its proof that that poverty among wealth exaggerates disaster when disaster hits, was spared the fate of Haiti. But Haiti, despite its sibling relationship with Louisiana, the result of the sale and resale of slaves between the two French colonies, is a much different story from NOLA. It does not catch a break. A hurricane here, sadistic despot there, a new disease and bone crushing poverty to boot. The political instability that has seen United States troops in place on more than one occasion perhaps is part of an historical legacy that began with Napoleon Bonaparte’s cowardly deception that resulted in the imprisonment of the victorious General Toussaint L’ouverture after a ragtag army of black and mixed race (an important distinction there) fighters defeated the French Army. Haiti’s history, like Liberia and Ethiopia, stands out within the African Diaspora as examples of defiance, seldom realized by others in the pre-colonial world. Hence, there is pride in the example of Toussaint and Henri Christophe, the early leaders of their portion of the island they share with the Dominican Republic. Haiti’s creation was one of the factors that affected early United States policy toward the Caribbean. Its creation influenced the announcement of the Monroe Doctrine, a rather tepid warning by the tough spunky young nation ruled by European expatriates that suggested that Old World adventurism in the New World might be more trouble than it’s worth. The Doctrine’s 19th century cautionary diplomacy may have checked French ambitions and provided the United States with a virtual monopoly of influence and economic benefit among post-colonial states in the hemisphere, even if in doing so it also protected insurrectionist slaves, and caused panic among the southern planter slave holding aristocracy in the U.S. But even this was a small price to pay for the unfettered access to the resources and exploitation that has characterized U.S. hemispheric policy to this day.But to this day in Haiti, everything that can break the back of country happened, and one is left wondering whether it had to come to this?
God, how could you?
Even while asking that question Wednesday morning, I knew that there was no discernable answer that my, or a number of minds, including those of intellectuals on either side of the faith issue could develop. The concept of faith, to my thinking, renders trivial any attempt to define the mind of God. Faith is the evidence of things unseen. You either believe or you don’t. Non-believers offer pat answers that defy the logic that they demand from believers, and believers, depending upon the school of thought or faith tradition, vary in the explanations. So the question posed really needs to be put aside—an unsatisfying proposal for those set on developing proof that Creation was a series of scientifically explainable coincidences, and for those set on developing proof that God’s blueprint for human kind can be understood in an environment free from scientific method of discovery and dependent totally upon various interpretations of ancient literature. In my mind, God is deeper than all of that.
Well, if we dismiss the God question, what else is there?
Perhaps a response to my emotions lies closer to home. Consider the following: developed countries suffer disasters better, when they get them. That is a broad statement, yet the literature that proves this has been written, and continues to be written. Here in Texas, we just exited one of the most severe droughts in history. Last summer appears to have been the high point of a drought that began, according to experts, in 2007. The two year drought affected agriculture and resulted in emergency appropriations to counties in the state declared disaster areas. Remember that? Probably not. During an earlier drought in California in the 1950s, that state exported water to arid areas in Southern California. Droughts in the United States result in contemporary headlines, and serious suffering among those dependent on water for their livelihoods. But here, most urban dwellers experience drought by paying higher prices for produce and meat. Budgets are adjusted, lawns subjected to rationing, and for the most part, life goes on, perhaps a little less comfortably as was the case last summer. In Ethiopia in the 80s a severe drought made headlines for the deaths of hundreds of thousands due to starvation and malnourishment caused by the loss of agricultural sustainability. That scenario has been repeated several times in Sub-Saharan Africa since then.
It is unclear how long the earthquake in Haiti lasted. The 1989 California earthquake was of the same magnitude (7 on the Richter scale) as last week’s quake, and it lasted 15 seconds. Indications are that the Haitian earthquake lasted anywhere from 60 seconds to longer, with aftershocks. So a comparison is not really possible, especially when factors such as depth and the location of the epicenter are factored in. But the present dilemma is in getting rescuers in, making rescues, and getting food, medicine and supplies to the country. These logistical problems are not typically what one expects following a natural disaster in a developed country (the bumbling that went on following Katrina notwithstanding). The earthquake rescue in California was able to save hundreds of people and fewer than 100 lives were lost. Katrina, with all of the bumbling from government agencies, was far less of a disaster for New Orleans than a similar disaster in a densely populated area in a developing country. The level of a nation’s development makes a difference. It makes a difference in how many people live in overpopulated areas. It makes a difference in how a country can respond with expensive resources, and trained personnel to tragedy. It makes a difference in how individuals can support themselves until help can arrive.
Taking Responsibility
Haiti is devastated and will likely be for some time to come. Following the stabilization of the post earthquake affects, there will be conferences involving donor nations, NGOs, UN agencies, and the like to develop ways to repair the long term damage to that nation. And if we are lucky, the world can restore Haiti to where it was before the earthquake. Media, in the meantime will have moved on. So will private donations and interest.This is not a very satisfying scenario. Eventually Haitian restoration will become another in a list of sustainability emergencies that development experts debate at international relations schools, NGO conferences, and within foreign ministries. Glimmers of hope occasionally shine through all of this—attempts to eliminate malarial infections in Africa come to mind, but so many of these attempts are undermined by the lack of basic systemic change in how the world runs its economy, particularly in developing countries.
It’s hard for poor countries to earn their way out of poverty by selling basic commodities in agricultural markets dominated by agriculture interest in North America and Europe. At one time Haiti was on the road to sustainability in rice production. That meant that they would be able to feed themselves. However, international trade rules require open markets, which mean that cheaper rice from abroad must be allowed into a country, or or that country runs the risk of being charged with protectionism--a charge that carries severe economic penalties under trade rules. The result, foreign rice, much of it from the U.S. flows into Haiti, undercutting the prices of local growers, and sending workers in that sector elsewhere for employment. The fix, of course, is to allow developing countries like Haiti, more latitude to protect their local markets. By doing this, these countries can eventually feed themselves, and make money selling the excess to foreign markets. This is not happening under the current international trade environment, not to mention the political environments in the U.S. and the European Union. The result is that less money comes into Haiti from what could be a successful cash crop, and more money goes out of Haiti (much of it donor money) to purchase a food staple. And this problem will not get fixed at the conferences. The poverty that defined the fortunes of that nation, and others in places like the continent of Africa, Asia, and Central and South America will continue virtually unabated. The connection between development, sustainability, and recovery after natural disaster is a solid one. Our political, social, and economic systems do not function effectively to produce advanced development. Indeed, even in the best of scenarios development is a time consuming process that requires capital, good policy, good governance, and a lot of good luck. The good luck requirement aside, good policy, good governance and capital can be mandated by laws if such laws exist.
Is there a fundamental right to development under International Law?
If one accepts the thesis that developed states survive disasters better than developing states, finding a legal regime to meet this need is crucial. So to the question posed by the heading of this section, the simple answer is yes. Or at least, there ought to be. This discussion is crowded with a variety of notions of fundamental law—rights, interests, legal culture, natural law and the like. But if we start with the notion that international law was and is about managing relations between nations and has evolved to be about securing safety and basic life protections for human beings, we can see our way to an answer. Perhaps not one that will win universal acceptance, but at least one that has a solid foundation in legal theory. Students taking Constitutional Law are usually surprised by the revelation that there is no fundamental right to food in the United States Constitution—at least not as presently interpreted. Nor is there a fundamental right to housing, employment, decent education, and the like. The interpretation of our rights in the United States is based on western notions of liberty which tend to be of the civil and political rights variety. The right to equal treatment, freedom of speech and religion, values having to do with fairness when confronting government threats to liberty or life are among the basic foundations of western freedom. Everything else--decent housing, food, medical treatment--one must get on one’s own, or utilize the political process to obtain (the health care debate is an example). On the international plane, rights having to do with these values are enshrined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (CPR). However, on that same plane is the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ESCR). That covenant speaks to the obligation of states to provide basic human needs in the area of economic rights, in addition to certain social rights like labor organizing, access to employment and education. The United States has signed and ratified the CPR, but it has only signed the ESCR. This means that The United States is not obligated under the ESCR to guarantee the rights in that document domestically. All of the European states have signed both documents and are obligated to conform to the requirements for their residents.
Other international initiatives designed to “fundamentalize” economic rights include the Declaration for a New International Economic Order (NIEO), and the United Nations Charter on the Economic Rights and Duties of States. The latter, an implementation of the former, was an attempt to amend the international law that deals with states responsibility to other states. Under the system spelled out in the initiatives, states would have an obligation to ensure access to resources and capital to states otherwise unable to secure resources and capital. The structure was a redefinition of interstate relations under a category of international law known as state responsibility. The structure was proposed by developing countries to the United Nations General Assembly in the 1970s and passed. Because General Assembly resolutions do not have the force of law under the UN Charter, this structure never became formalized as law as that process is understood in traditional international law (western state based). Many have argued that the resolution, perhaps not cognizable as positive law, certainly represents a general belief among states, or opinio juris sive necessitatis. Nonetheless, this position never received acceptance outside of the developing state caucuses and is considered a dead letter at present. Developing states were seeking to accelerate the process of development by requiring developed states to provide more economic opportunities for development under the theory that developed states received much of their wealth historically through the exploitation of developing nations. Historically, it is hard to argue that the theory has no basis in fact, though few things are absolute. But the kind of wealth transfer envisioned by the NIEO never materialized. There is massive aid flowing from the treasuries of developed nations, but nothing like that envisioned under the NIEO. In place of that vision are concessionary practices that allow certain preferences in international economic agreements, many of which are frequently undercut by basic international trade rules discussed earlier. Despite the failure of the NIEO, most states have committed themselves treating economic justice as fundamental for their residents, the United States being among the few dissenters. Considering some of the states that have signed the ESCR, and their spotty if not awful records of providing for their own, it could be argued that the United States, by placing economic rights in the political process where the provision of economic advantages has been more successful here than in some countries who treat economic rights as fundamental, is the more credible participant in the debate on economic rights. Whatever conclusion that can be drawn from this, one thing seems clear. If most of the world’s states accept as fundamental the provision of economic rights among their own residents, how can a process that would entail some wealth sharing across borders to ensure that all states can meet the requirements of the ESCR not be fundamental? Unfortunately, this reasoning has not permeated multilateral negotiations in the areas of trade, capital, and resource access.
The result of all of this is that poorer states remain poor despite some success in climbing out of the developing state category by countries such as India, Brazil, and Argentina, to name a few. But in international development circles, Haiti is among a category of states known as Least Developed States. Some theorists have taken to categorizing them as members of the Fourth World, a step down, if you will, from the Third World, a term out of vogue today. There are likely few if any Indias, or Brazils among these states. How are these states to be helped without massive flows of aid, capital, infrastructure assistance, nation building, etc? Precise methods are probably more elusive as solving the economic problems in this country, and time is limited. Every day is a disaster in Haiti, the Congo, or Niger. Natural disaster amplifies conditions already there, and for the most, part, these conditions are the fault of bad policy and indifference.
God, how could you?
Maybe the better question is how could we?
God, how could you?
Even while asking that question Wednesday morning, I knew that there was no discernable answer that my, or a number of minds, including those of intellectuals on either side of the faith issue could develop. The concept of faith, to my thinking, renders trivial any attempt to define the mind of God. Faith is the evidence of things unseen. You either believe or you don’t. Non-believers offer pat answers that defy the logic that they demand from believers, and believers, depending upon the school of thought or faith tradition, vary in the explanations. So the question posed really needs to be put aside—an unsatisfying proposal for those set on developing proof that Creation was a series of scientifically explainable coincidences, and for those set on developing proof that God’s blueprint for human kind can be understood in an environment free from scientific method of discovery and dependent totally upon various interpretations of ancient literature. In my mind, God is deeper than all of that.
Well, if we dismiss the God question, what else is there?
Perhaps a response to my emotions lies closer to home. Consider the following: developed countries suffer disasters better, when they get them. That is a broad statement, yet the literature that proves this has been written, and continues to be written. Here in Texas, we just exited one of the most severe droughts in history. Last summer appears to have been the high point of a drought that began, according to experts, in 2007. The two year drought affected agriculture and resulted in emergency appropriations to counties in the state declared disaster areas. Remember that? Probably not. During an earlier drought in California in the 1950s, that state exported water to arid areas in Southern California. Droughts in the United States result in contemporary headlines, and serious suffering among those dependent on water for their livelihoods. But here, most urban dwellers experience drought by paying higher prices for produce and meat. Budgets are adjusted, lawns subjected to rationing, and for the most part, life goes on, perhaps a little less comfortably as was the case last summer. In Ethiopia in the 80s a severe drought made headlines for the deaths of hundreds of thousands due to starvation and malnourishment caused by the loss of agricultural sustainability. That scenario has been repeated several times in Sub-Saharan Africa since then.
It is unclear how long the earthquake in Haiti lasted. The 1989 California earthquake was of the same magnitude (7 on the Richter scale) as last week’s quake, and it lasted 15 seconds. Indications are that the Haitian earthquake lasted anywhere from 60 seconds to longer, with aftershocks. So a comparison is not really possible, especially when factors such as depth and the location of the epicenter are factored in. But the present dilemma is in getting rescuers in, making rescues, and getting food, medicine and supplies to the country. These logistical problems are not typically what one expects following a natural disaster in a developed country (the bumbling that went on following Katrina notwithstanding). The earthquake rescue in California was able to save hundreds of people and fewer than 100 lives were lost. Katrina, with all of the bumbling from government agencies, was far less of a disaster for New Orleans than a similar disaster in a densely populated area in a developing country. The level of a nation’s development makes a difference. It makes a difference in how many people live in overpopulated areas. It makes a difference in how a country can respond with expensive resources, and trained personnel to tragedy. It makes a difference in how individuals can support themselves until help can arrive.
Taking Responsibility
Haiti is devastated and will likely be for some time to come. Following the stabilization of the post earthquake affects, there will be conferences involving donor nations, NGOs, UN agencies, and the like to develop ways to repair the long term damage to that nation. And if we are lucky, the world can restore Haiti to where it was before the earthquake. Media, in the meantime will have moved on. So will private donations and interest.This is not a very satisfying scenario. Eventually Haitian restoration will become another in a list of sustainability emergencies that development experts debate at international relations schools, NGO conferences, and within foreign ministries. Glimmers of hope occasionally shine through all of this—attempts to eliminate malarial infections in Africa come to mind, but so many of these attempts are undermined by the lack of basic systemic change in how the world runs its economy, particularly in developing countries.
It’s hard for poor countries to earn their way out of poverty by selling basic commodities in agricultural markets dominated by agriculture interest in North America and Europe. At one time Haiti was on the road to sustainability in rice production. That meant that they would be able to feed themselves. However, international trade rules require open markets, which mean that cheaper rice from abroad must be allowed into a country, or or that country runs the risk of being charged with protectionism--a charge that carries severe economic penalties under trade rules. The result, foreign rice, much of it from the U.S. flows into Haiti, undercutting the prices of local growers, and sending workers in that sector elsewhere for employment. The fix, of course, is to allow developing countries like Haiti, more latitude to protect their local markets. By doing this, these countries can eventually feed themselves, and make money selling the excess to foreign markets. This is not happening under the current international trade environment, not to mention the political environments in the U.S. and the European Union. The result is that less money comes into Haiti from what could be a successful cash crop, and more money goes out of Haiti (much of it donor money) to purchase a food staple. And this problem will not get fixed at the conferences. The poverty that defined the fortunes of that nation, and others in places like the continent of Africa, Asia, and Central and South America will continue virtually unabated. The connection between development, sustainability, and recovery after natural disaster is a solid one. Our political, social, and economic systems do not function effectively to produce advanced development. Indeed, even in the best of scenarios development is a time consuming process that requires capital, good policy, good governance, and a lot of good luck. The good luck requirement aside, good policy, good governance and capital can be mandated by laws if such laws exist.
Is there a fundamental right to development under International Law?
If one accepts the thesis that developed states survive disasters better than developing states, finding a legal regime to meet this need is crucial. So to the question posed by the heading of this section, the simple answer is yes. Or at least, there ought to be. This discussion is crowded with a variety of notions of fundamental law—rights, interests, legal culture, natural law and the like. But if we start with the notion that international law was and is about managing relations between nations and has evolved to be about securing safety and basic life protections for human beings, we can see our way to an answer. Perhaps not one that will win universal acceptance, but at least one that has a solid foundation in legal theory. Students taking Constitutional Law are usually surprised by the revelation that there is no fundamental right to food in the United States Constitution—at least not as presently interpreted. Nor is there a fundamental right to housing, employment, decent education, and the like. The interpretation of our rights in the United States is based on western notions of liberty which tend to be of the civil and political rights variety. The right to equal treatment, freedom of speech and religion, values having to do with fairness when confronting government threats to liberty or life are among the basic foundations of western freedom. Everything else--decent housing, food, medical treatment--one must get on one’s own, or utilize the political process to obtain (the health care debate is an example). On the international plane, rights having to do with these values are enshrined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (CPR). However, on that same plane is the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ESCR). That covenant speaks to the obligation of states to provide basic human needs in the area of economic rights, in addition to certain social rights like labor organizing, access to employment and education. The United States has signed and ratified the CPR, but it has only signed the ESCR. This means that The United States is not obligated under the ESCR to guarantee the rights in that document domestically. All of the European states have signed both documents and are obligated to conform to the requirements for their residents.
Other international initiatives designed to “fundamentalize” economic rights include the Declaration for a New International Economic Order (NIEO), and the United Nations Charter on the Economic Rights and Duties of States. The latter, an implementation of the former, was an attempt to amend the international law that deals with states responsibility to other states. Under the system spelled out in the initiatives, states would have an obligation to ensure access to resources and capital to states otherwise unable to secure resources and capital. The structure was a redefinition of interstate relations under a category of international law known as state responsibility. The structure was proposed by developing countries to the United Nations General Assembly in the 1970s and passed. Because General Assembly resolutions do not have the force of law under the UN Charter, this structure never became formalized as law as that process is understood in traditional international law (western state based). Many have argued that the resolution, perhaps not cognizable as positive law, certainly represents a general belief among states, or opinio juris sive necessitatis. Nonetheless, this position never received acceptance outside of the developing state caucuses and is considered a dead letter at present. Developing states were seeking to accelerate the process of development by requiring developed states to provide more economic opportunities for development under the theory that developed states received much of their wealth historically through the exploitation of developing nations. Historically, it is hard to argue that the theory has no basis in fact, though few things are absolute. But the kind of wealth transfer envisioned by the NIEO never materialized. There is massive aid flowing from the treasuries of developed nations, but nothing like that envisioned under the NIEO. In place of that vision are concessionary practices that allow certain preferences in international economic agreements, many of which are frequently undercut by basic international trade rules discussed earlier. Despite the failure of the NIEO, most states have committed themselves treating economic justice as fundamental for their residents, the United States being among the few dissenters. Considering some of the states that have signed the ESCR, and their spotty if not awful records of providing for their own, it could be argued that the United States, by placing economic rights in the political process where the provision of economic advantages has been more successful here than in some countries who treat economic rights as fundamental, is the more credible participant in the debate on economic rights. Whatever conclusion that can be drawn from this, one thing seems clear. If most of the world’s states accept as fundamental the provision of economic rights among their own residents, how can a process that would entail some wealth sharing across borders to ensure that all states can meet the requirements of the ESCR not be fundamental? Unfortunately, this reasoning has not permeated multilateral negotiations in the areas of trade, capital, and resource access.
The result of all of this is that poorer states remain poor despite some success in climbing out of the developing state category by countries such as India, Brazil, and Argentina, to name a few. But in international development circles, Haiti is among a category of states known as Least Developed States. Some theorists have taken to categorizing them as members of the Fourth World, a step down, if you will, from the Third World, a term out of vogue today. There are likely few if any Indias, or Brazils among these states. How are these states to be helped without massive flows of aid, capital, infrastructure assistance, nation building, etc? Precise methods are probably more elusive as solving the economic problems in this country, and time is limited. Every day is a disaster in Haiti, the Congo, or Niger. Natural disaster amplifies conditions already there, and for the most, part, these conditions are the fault of bad policy and indifference.
God, how could you?
Maybe the better question is how could we?
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